Editor’s Note:
Riyadh’s new partnership with Islamabad may unsettle Delhi, but it could also mark the start of a more pragmatic era in South Asian and Gulf politics. Saudi Arabia’s transformation from exporter of ideology to promoter of moderation gives India room to engage — not retreat.
When Saudi Arabia and Pakistan signed their Strategic Mutual Defence Agreement on 17 September 2025 — pledging that an attack on one would be considered an attack on both — analysts across New Delhi reacted with unease. The immediate fear was that this pact could tilt the regional balance against India, creating an “Islamic security bloc” reminiscent of the Cold War-era alliances.
But the instinct to panic is misplaced. India should not see the Saudi–Pakistan defence pact as a threat. It should see it as a chance to deepen its strategic engagement with a region that is moving away from the ideologies that once threatened South Asia’s stability. Saudi Arabia has changed. And that change matters more than the headlines suggest.
Saudi Arabia’s Quiet Transformation
For decades, the Kingdom was viewed as the fountainhead of a rigid religious ideology that inspired generations of extremists from North Africa to Southeast Asia. Those days are fading.
Under Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, Saudi Arabia has redefined its global outlook. The Kingdom is now focused on diversification, modernisation, and soft-power diplomacy. A key player in this shift is the Muslim World League (MWL) — once a leading exporter of conservative theology, now reinvented as a voice for moderation.
Its Secretary-General, Dr Mohammed Al-Issa, has become a symbol of this transformation. Al-Issa has publicly condemned the misuse of Islam by extremists and promoted inter-faith dialogue. Addressing Pakistan’s Supreme Court earlier this year, he called for “the protection of minorities” and urged the Muslim world to uphold “the real teachings of Islam — justice, compassion, and tolerance.”
This is not mere rhetoric. The MWL now partners with Christian and Jewish institutions globally and has hosted interfaith events in Makkah and Riyadh. It has also worked to dismantle the narrative that Wahhabism represents the essence of Saudi identity. The Kingdom wants to be seen not as a source of division, but as a force for moderation and reform.
A Crackdown on Militancy
This transformation extends beyond words. Riyadh has taken concrete steps to curb extremism — even against actors once considered part of its extended religious network.
In a joint action with Washington in 2016, Saudi Arabia sanctioned individuals accused of funding Lashkar-e-Taiba, the Pakistan-based group linked to the 2008 Mumbai terror attacks. The move signalled Riyadh’s willingness to cooperate with international partners to isolate groups that exploit religion for violence.
The United States welcomed this step, calling it a “strong signal that terror financing will not be tolerated, no matter where it occurs.” For India, long frustrated by Pakistan’s ambiguous relationship with such groups, the Saudi role is crucial. Suppose Riyadh can cut off financial lifelines to organisations like Lashkar-e-Taiba and pressure Pakistan’s support to their networks. In that case, it will undercut one of the region’s most enduring sources of instability. Proxy wars will complicate that process.
Pakistan’s Own Crossroads
For Pakistan, the pact with Saudi Arabia offers both promise and peril. It formalises decades of military cooperation, from training Saudi troops to providing security expertise. But the deeper story lies in Pakistan’s growing dependence on Saudi investment and energy assistance.
Saudi Arabia has poured billions into Pakistan’s struggling economy. In return, it expects a level of political and ideological discipline that previous governments in Islamabad often lacked. The Kingdom no longer wants to bankroll a partner that tolerates extremism or engages in adventurism.
This gives Pakistan an incentive to change. If it wants Saudi money and diplomatic support, it will have to distance itself from policies that fuel tension with India. The Pakistan Army, traditionally the gatekeeper of national security, will face pressure to modernise its outlook — less jihad, more jobs.
India’s Strategic Patience
India’s instinctive reaction to the defence pact has been caution. It’s a natural reflex. A formal alliance between Saudi Arabia and a nuclear-armed Pakistan seems troubling on paper. But the reality is far more complex — and potentially beneficial.
- It’s Not a Military Axis
Despite the “attack on one is an attack on both” language, the pact is primarily political. It aims to assure mutual support in times of crisis, not to launch joint military operations. Riyadh’s focus is deterrence and stability, not escalation. Saudi officials have repeatedly underlined their desire to “promote peace across Asia.”
New Delhi should therefore treat this agreement as a diplomatic signal — not a battlefield threat.
- It Opens a Door for Dialogue
Saudi Arabia’s new image as a reforming power offers India a chance to work together on shared challenges: counter-radicalisation, youth education, and interfaith outreach. The MWL’s outreach to South Asia aligns well with India’s own emphasis on pluralism and coexistence.
Quiet coordination on deradicalisation or online extremism, for instance, would serve both nations. Riyadh’s new cultural diplomacy can be a bridge, not a barrier.
- Economics Still Rule
India is Saudi Arabia’s second-largest trading partner and one of its biggest oil customers. Over 2.5 million Indians work in the Kingdom, contributing billions in remittances. The defence pact does not threaten those ties; if anything, they can be leveraged to deepen trust.
When asked about the Saudi–Pakistan agreement, India’s Ministry of External Affairs said it expects Riyadh to be “mindful of the sensitivities involved.” That’s diplomatic shorthand for confidence — not fear.
- Saudi Arabia’s Leverage Over Pakistan
This is where India’s opportunity lies. Pakistan listens to a few external actors, but Saudi Arabia is one of them. If Riyadh continues pushing Islamabad to cut ties with radical networks and focus on stability, it could reduce threats along India’s borders.
Saudi Arabia has the financial and moral influence to shape Pakistan’s behaviour. India should quietly support that effort.
Can Saudi Arabia Really Change Pakistan?
The big question is whether the Kingdom can alter Pakistan’s deep-seated patterns — its military dominance, its dependence on religious nationalism, and its ambiguous ties with militant groups. The answer is: only partly.
Saudi Arabia can offer incentives for moderation — loans, investment, and legitimacy — but it cannot rewrite Pakistan’s power structure. What it can do, however, is nudge Islamabad toward a new kind of pragmatism: one that values economic reform over ideological posturing.
And that’s where India’s interest lies. A Pakistan that is more integrated with Gulf economies, more exposed to Saudi Arabia’s reformist message, and less tolerant of extremism is good for regional security.
A Wider Gulf Strategy
India already has strong ties with the Gulf. Its relationship with the United Arab Emirates is one of its most successful diplomatic ventures, encompassing trade, intelligence cooperation, and joint security initiatives. The Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) with the UAE has deepened investment flows, while joint counter-terrorism work has grown steadily.
With Oman and Qatar, too, India’s engagement is expanding — particularly in energy and maritime security. Saudi Arabia’s evolving stance gives India another anchor on this broader network. Rather than see Riyadh’s defence pact with Islamabad as exclusionary, New Delhi should use it to push for greater dialogue between South Asia and the Gulf.
The goal should be clear: integrate, not isolate. Help shape the region’s security and economic architecture in a way that discourages extremism and encourages cooperation.
A Moment to Lead, Not React
The new Saudi–Pakistan defence pact is not a declaration of hostility toward India. It’s a mirror reflecting the changing priorities of the Muslim world — away from ideology, toward stability and reform.
If Saudi Arabia can help Pakistan modernise its economy, rein in militancy, and focus on regional cooperation, India should quietly encourage that process. New Delhi’s strength lies in strategic patience, not alarmism.
This is a time for India to lead with confidence — to engage Riyadh, reassure allies, and remind the region that peace and progress serve everyone’s interests.
The question, then, is not whether Saudi Arabia can change Pakistan.
It’s whether India can seize the moment — and help shape the new order that’s emerging around it.
