10 Questions for Zolal Habibi
1.) You have written passionately about the cultural awakening in Iran. What first inspired you to join the Iranian Resistance movement?
I consider myself part of an incredibly lucky generation—the generation that grew up with the resistance. Our lives have not been easy; many of us have lost loved ones in this struggle for a free Iran. We came face to face with harsh realities at an early age, which changed our perspective on life and shaped who we are today.
I was born into a family that supported the MEK. My father was a writer and human rights activist, so I was introduced to the realities of Iran early on. I first met victims of torture at the age of four. Soon I came to realise the atrocities committed by the regime were not limited to those inside the country. My father was killed by the Iranian regime in July 1988 when I was only seven. Still, I considered myself lucky in comparison to many other children I knew.
Despite the hardships, I was also shown a different world—one filled with love and compassion, one that gave me strength and support no matter the situation. A community, a family, which taught me to never give in or give up, that kept the flame of hope alive and taught me that there are ideals worth fighting for.
From childhood, I always wanted to do something to help my people—that was the hope, the dream, and the desire I had grown up with. In my late teens, I came to a crossroads: what was the best path to choose? I had read somewhere that there were 20,000 Iranian doctors in the US (1998). I thought: do I want to become one of them—or do something to free Iran, so they too can go and serve their own people?
The humanitarian values present in the resistance movement drew me in, as I have never found them anywhere else. But the summer of 1999 was the turning point for me. When the student uprisings broke out in July ’99, I just could not sit back and be a bystander anymore. For the first time since the 1988 Massacre, a new generation was rising in the first nationwide uprising of its kind—and in that moment, I knew I had to make a choice.
So, the struggle for freedom and justice in Iran has always been personal for me. The oppression of our people—especially women—the destruction of our cultural identity, and the systematic silencing of dissent have all motivated me to act. Joining the Iranian Resistance movement was an extension of my desire to fight for a better future for my people.
2.) Your article speaks of the regime’s fear of women and Persian culture. Do you see that fear growing stronger—or weaker—today?
The regime’s fear of women is not only still present—it is growing stronger. As women, especially younger generations, become more vocal and active in the resistance, the regime feels increasingly threatened.
But this did not form overnight. For four decades, women have been at the helm of the Iranian Resistance. Maryam Rajavi has paved the way for women’s empowerment and emancipation within the resistance. She believes we must build relationships that are unimpeded by gender-based distinctions and discrimination. The path to liberation begins the moment you believe that no one can prevent the liberation of a woman who has chosen to be free of all fetters we all know too well.
Her motto— “We can, and we must!”—has empowered generations. Now, the world is seeing the potential she saw in the women of Iran for decades: that women are the force for change.
3.) The slogan comparing Khamenei to Zahhak is striking. How important is Persian mythology in fuelling today’s resistance?
The story of Zahhak, from the great Iranian poet Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh, has deep roots in our culture and history. It symbolises the continuous resistance in the face of tyranny—a theme embedded throughout Iran’s history.
Both the story of Zahhak and Kaveh, derived from Persian mythology, and the legacy of Imam Hussein, derived from our religious beliefs, symbolise the evil of oppression and the moral necessity of resistance. In that sense, these stories speak directly to the current circumstances.
The comparison of Khamenei to Zahhak—a mythical tyrant—resonates deeply with Iranians. It reminds us of our historical struggles against despotism. This cultural reference is a powerful tool for rallying people, connecting the present fight with a longstanding legacy of defiance.
4.) You mention the Cultural Revolution after 1979. How has the regime’s war on education shaped the way younger Iranians view their own history?
Like any dictatorship, the regime sees knowledge as a threat. It shut down universities for three years, knowing they had been the heart of the revolution. For years, the regime has worked to present a false history, limiting access to truth through censorship and propaganda.
Just as an example: each year, the regime invests significant resources to discredit the NCRI and MEK, hoping to stifle their efforts to promote democracy, human rights, and secular governance in Iran. From financing and producing hundreds of films and documentaries to publishing over 600 books, Tehran has spared no expense in demonising the MEK.
However, many young Iranians are increasingly aware of this distortion. They are seeking to reclaim their history and identity, often turning to alternative sources—social media, underground movements, and the diaspora—to learn the truth and change the path of history.
5.) The MEK and NCRI have long histories, but they are often misunderstood abroad. What do you think people get most wrong about them?
As I mentioned earlier, the MEK and NCRI have been the primary targets of Iran’s propaganda machine. Their activities go beyond publications in Iran—they run smear campaigns abroad, commission hit pieces, and use manipulation tactics to discredit the resistance in diplomatic negotiations.
This has come at great cost to the Iranian people and their fight for freedom. Misconceptions about the MEK and NCRI stem from these decades-long misinformation campaigns.
But the Iranian Resistance has been at the forefront of the fight not just for regime change—but for a democratic, pluralistic Iran. The movement is not about replacing one authoritarian regime with another; it is about building a republic rooted in freedom, equality, and justice—a movement deeply committed to democratic values and human rights.
6.) What role do you see social media playing in preserving Iran’s cultural heritage and spreading dissent today?
Social media has become an indispensable tool for Iranians to voice dissent, raise awareness, and preserve cultural heritage. It allows Iranians—especially youth—to challenge the state narrative and share their stories with the world.
It also exposes human rights violations, spreads truth, rallies international support, and amplifies the resistance’s message. Social media is a powerful weapon against the regime’s propaganda.
7.) Your article makes a compelling case for women as leaders of resistance—not just symbols. What have you learned from collaborating with these women firsthand?
Not only have I collaborated with women in the resistance, but I have had a whole generation of them to look up to growing up. It has been incredibly inspiring.
From childhood, I saw women who had broken every glass ceiling, giving me courage and assurance that we all have the strength to accomplish anything we set our minds to. At a time when the world was still embracing the idea that “women’s rights are human rights” as a goal, we had a generation of trailblazers—led by Mrs Rajavi—showing us the way.
These women have led the movement through its harshest times. They are not merely symbols; they are the driving force. Their courage, determination, and unwavering commitment to freedom have shown me what real leadership looks like. Many have sacrificed their lives, faced unimaginable hardships, and continued to lead with extraordinary resilience. They are shaping Iran’s future, and it is an honour to learn from them.
8.) Cyrus the Great offers a vision of Iran rooted in justice and tolerance. How do you respond to those who say these ideas are nostalgic or idealistic?
The vision of Cyrus the Great is not nostalgic. It represents an era which—despite being surrounded by slavery and savagery—upheld people’s rights and created the first human rights charter.
Justice, tolerance, and respect for human dignity are not idealistic—they are universal values that transcend time. Iran’s ancient history shows that a just society is possible, and today the resistance is striving to reclaim those values.
9.) You describe this as a “battle for Iran’s soul.” What does a free Iran look like to you, and what is your message to the Iranian youth risking everything?
A free Iran is one where the rights of every individual is respected—where freedom of expression, gender equality, and democratic values are foundational. Iran becomes a country where our cultural heritage is celebrated, not suppressed.
It is the roadmap set forth in the 10-point plan presented by Maryam Rajavi.
To the brave resistance units and Iranian youth risking everything, I say: your fight is not in vain. You are the future of Iran, and the sacrifices you make today will pave the way for a better tomorrow.
10.) Finally, what keeps you hopeful—and what should the world be paying closer attention to when it comes to Iran’s future?
What keeps me hopeful is the unwavering spirit of the Iranian people—especially the youth and women. Despite decades of oppression, they continue to resist, dream, and fight for a better future.
The leadership of Maryam Rajavi, who has been at the forefront of this movement, offers a beacon of hope. Her commitment to a free and democratic Iran—founded on justice, equality, and human rights—inspires millions.
The world must pay closer attention to the Iranian Resistance’s call for solidarity, and to the plight of the Iranian people. The regime’s oppression cannot last forever—and the winds of change are already blowing across the country. It is time for the international community to support the Iranian people in their quest for freedom.
